In
the spirit of encouraging progressive dialogue Democracy Under Fire
is pleased to present this guest article by Jared Milne
In
the last couple of years, various Canadian commentators
have
remarked on the new conservative narrative of Canada that Stephen
Harper and the federal Conservatives have been creating.
Much
of this narrative centres around a new form of patriotism
that
emphasizes support for the military, the Canadian North, hockey and
Tim Horton’s coffee.
Now, with the Harper Conservatives having formed a majority
government in the 2011 federal election, progressive Canadians like
Murray
Dobbin,
Jim
Stanford
and Andrew
Jackson
are calling for a new progressive narrative that provides an
alternative to the narrative offered by the Harper Conservatives and
the more general political right. Carol
Goar
has written about an anti-poverty movement that she says is “out of
step” with the people it tries to help, and Reilly
Yeo
talks about the need for innovative thinking in how government can
work in a networked and global society.
Unfortunately,
there are voices on the left that make this much easier said than
done. Prominent American professor and public intellectual Ward
Churchill
called many of the victims of the September 11, 2001 attacks “little
Eichmanns”, claiming that their deaths were a “befitting penalty”
for the corporate oppression they supposedly engaged in. Canadian
political writer and poet Robin Mathews called Stephen Harper a
“psychopath”
and compared him to Adolf
Hitler.
Noted progressive blogger Robert Day, more popularly known as
Canadian Cynic, commonly directs personal attacks and insults against
those he disagrees with. In one
post,
he has referred to the federal Conservatives as the “Stephen Harper
Brownshirt Party” and called retired judge Frank Iacobucci a “cheap
hooker”. In other
posts,
Day has referred to various female conservative bloggers and
politicians as “cunts”. Members of the Occupy Movement have
bragged
about the “fun” they can have protesting on private property
rather than working to earn a living,
made
up demonstrably false claims about major historical figures,
and
caused more general violence and hooliganism.
The
problem with what these people have been saying and doing is that
they make all progressives look bad by association. Their words and
actions are used by critics on the right who try to discredit what
progressives are advocating and tar all progressives as being hateful
towards anyone who disagrees with them, advocating extreme policies
and supporting violence when in many cases progressives do not.
Progressives like Dobbin and Stanford are exactly right when they
talk about the need for a new narrative that can better meet the
realities of today’s politics, but any attempt to construct that
narrative is only hindered by the likes of Churchill, Mathews, Day
and the more radical members of the Occupy movement.
What
could a new progressive narrative look like, if it were to have a
broader appeal to Canadians than the words and actions of people like
Mathews or Day? Much of the conservative narrative today centres
around individual freedom, and its opposition to the government
“control” that progressives supposedly want to exercise on
individuals through government taxes and programs. In many respects,
however, government intervention and social programs have actually
increased the freedom enjoyed by the vast majority of Canadians.
It’s
one thing to for someone to lose his or her job through incompetence,
but quite another to lose it because of shifts in the economy or the
company needing to downsize through the ineptitude of its management.
In the latter case, Employment Insurance can help those unemployed
people to pay their bills and participate in the economy while they
are looking for work. Socialized medicine has freed many Canadian
families from having to pay the incredibly high sums of money that
their American counterparts must pay to that country’s private
system.
Public
education has allowed a greater number of people to better exercise
their full talents and increased their career choices. Minimum wage
laws have increased the purchasing power of the poorest people in
society and allowed them to better participate in the economy.
Workplace safety laws have decreased the injuries workers have
suffered, allowing them to be more productive for their employers and
earn more money for their own use. Environmental regulations can
support tourist and fisheries industries and the people who work in
them. A judicious combination of publicly available daycare spaces
and tax credits for those parents who prefer alternate means of
childcare can provide support to more parents than either initiative
could alone, thereby allowing a greater number of parents overall to
enter the workforce while their children are cared for.
In
that way, the social safety net has in fact provided support to
Canadians in many ways, providing them with more resources to
exercise their talents and individual efforts. However, a new
progressive narrative would also need to recognize that government
action cannot and should not be the only solution to a problem, and
can in fact make things worse if it’s not well implemented. Mel
Hurtig and John Ralston Saul have both sharply criticized the
conventional wisdom of free trade agreements, tax cuts and
privatization. However, Hurtig has also derided the National Energy
Program launched by the Trudeau government in the late 1970s as
having been “poorly conceived, poorly explained and poorly
defended.” Saul has also criticized the slowness, bureaucracy and
lack of clarity of the Foreign Investment Review Agency, implemented
in the 1970s to review the foreign purchases of Canadian companies.
Rather,
it could be said that society functions best through a combination of
individual initiative and collective action, through the
participation of both governments and markets, each complementing one
another’s strengths and compensating for one another’s
weaknesses. Private
charitable donations and government programs can, at the best of
times, combine to support a greater number of those in need than
either one could on their own. Private citizens with their own
sources of power and wealth, independent of any government, can act
against the type of government encroachment seen in Communist Russia
or China, while government programs and laws, when they’re properly
implemented, can support the liberty of the less powerful.
A
progressive narrative can offer a strong criticism of the current
market-based consensus that has led to marked increases in poverty
among Canadians and that by and large has not had the “trickle
down” effect that its advocates have promised. However, a new
progressive narrative can and should acknowledge also the good that
comes of individual effort, independent of government action.
A new
progressive narrative can also offer a number of strong rebuttals to
the Conservative claim that their party is best suited to managing
the economy. It is worth remembering, for instance, that it was the
Opposition parties who forced the Harper government to implement the
stimulus package that would become Canada’s Economic Action Plan
that helped stimulate the economy and create jobs. Many
of the sound regulations that have kept Canadian banks from suffering
the fate of their American counterparts were not put in place by
Harper, but by previous governments.
On
the other hand, Stephen Harper claimed during the 2008 election
campaign that, if there was going to be a recession, it would have
happened by now.
The Harper government has broken its promise not to tax income trusts
and drastically increased the national debt and made the tax system
more complicated to the point where even
Finance Minister Jim Flaherty admits that the tax system is more
complicated than it used to be.
Many of the tax credits introduced by the Conservatives are harshly
criticized by
conservative pundits and think tanks,
who
do not believe that these credits are achieving their goals.
Various
conservative
pundits
and bloggers
are also
becoming increasingly frustrated with Harper’s fiscal
mismanagement.
A
new progressive narrative would also need to address some of the
criticisms directed towards it by the political right. Condemning all
capitalists and businesspeople as cruel and uncaring of others is
just as unfair and untrue as condemning all progressives and leftists
as destructive Black Bloc types. After all, people who own organic
grocery stores, occult or bong shops and vegan restaurants may not be
known for holding conservative views, but they are risking their own
money and capital in setting up businesses that they own and from
which they make their living and provide jobs to others. Many Liberal
and NDP candidates over the years have been business owners
themselves. Vive Le Canada founder Susan Thompson, for example,
previously founded and owned Hell N’ Back Welding and later ran for
the federal NDP in Alberta. Rather than adhering to the stereotype of
the latte-sipping elitist that’s commonly associated with the NDP,
Thompson was an entrepreneur who founded her own blue collar company.
These
people are, in a sense, capitalists just as much as any business
executive who works in a Calgary or Toronto office tower, albeit on a
smaller scale. In turn, many of those business executives also donate
both their time and their money to any number of worthy causes, their
own private initiatives complementing the government’s efforts.
Think of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, or the work of
someone like Melcor
president and CEO Ralph Young.
Lumping such people in with less ethical and less compassionate
businesspeople doesn’t help anyone. Even the likes of Jonathan
Kay,
managing editor of the conservative National
Post newspaper,
talked about how reasonable he found many of the solutions advocated
by Linda McQuaig and Neil Brooks in their book The
Trouble With Billionaires. His
problem was not so much with what McQuaig and Brooks were advocating,
but rather the general disdain they seemed to hold for rich people as
a whole.
Similarly,
blanket condemnations of industries like the Alberta oilpatch will
not win support for a progressive cause. Most people in the oil
industry are no different than anyone else in that their main goal is
simply to earn a living. When it comes to changing the way energy is
developed in Canada, many people working in the oil industry would
want to know how any changes proposed by progressives would avoid
damaging or costing them their livelihoods. This
perception among many people in Western Canada that progressive
parties do not support their regional interests is one of the major
reasons they have tended to support conservative parties at the
federal level,
such as with the rise of the Reform Party under Preston Manning.
Another
issue a new progressive narrative would have to address would be
specific issues that the political right has managed to claim as its
own and which still matter very much to Canadians. Carol
Goar
has pointed out that the Conservative justice reforms have a lot of
appeal to lower-income Canadians who feel threatened by drug dealers
and violent young offenders. While it is true that overall crime
rates are falling, it is still a sickening state of affairs when
sexual offenders are sentenced
to house arrest and probation for sexual assault
or
time served for possession of child pornography.
Many Canadians remain unconvinced of progressive approaches to
justice, and a new progressive narrative would need to provide more
details on how it would deal with violent and sexual offenders.
Perhaps
most of all, however, a new progressive narrative would have to
avoid, as much as possible, the type of insulting language used by
the likes of Churchill, Mathews and Day cited earlier in this essay.
This is in fact an area where open-minded progressives and
conservatives could come together in establishing a more constructive
dialogue between all parts of the political spectrum. This new
dialogue would also work against the more radical elements on both
sides whose interest is in demonizing or destroying one another,
rather than providing sound governance that benefits all Canadians.
It is one thing to have a legitimate political disagreement with
someone, but quite another entirely to want to demonize them for
having different views, or hating them simply because of their
general political allegiance.
Sadly,
this tendency remains as strong as it has ever been, indulged in by
people on both sides of the spectrum.
The latest manifestation comes in the debate over the foreign funding
of Canadian environmental charities, when
Senator Mike Duffy accused many of these groups of somehow being
“un-Canadian”, impugning their patriotism for having dissenting
opinions.
There
is, however, a more positive dialogue that many of us who have a
strong interest in politics frequently overlook. It’s the dialogue
between many everyday Canadians who live, work and volunteer
together, even when their beliefs cross partisan lines. They support
the same hockey teams, they volunteer for the same organizations, and
attend the same churches, all in spite of whatever political
differences they may have.
In
talking to many of my fellow Canadians, I’ve noticed how many of
them defy the stereotypes one would expect. Self-made entrepreneurs
and rural farmers have voted for or even run for the New Democratic
and Liberal parties. Conservative supporters have voiced their
support of the handgun registry even as they decry the long gun
registry, and have voiced support for banning smoking in bars and a
fully public health system. University professors and civil servants
can support the Conservatives just as readily as the Liberals or the
NDP. Political advocacy organizations have had executives made up of
Liberals, NDPers, Red Tories and Blue Tories who work together for a
common goal. Municipal candidates who are card-carrying members of
the federal Conservative party have been supported by lifelong
Liberals and NDPers who admire the candidate’s competency. In all
these cases, they respect one another’s beliefs and don’t hold
the other person’s political beliefs against them.
A
new progressive narrative, one that speaks up strongly for itself but
that avoids the stereotyping and demonization so common in Canadian
politics these days, can make an invaluable contribution to building
the new dialogue that is needed and in trying to build common ground
among Canadians. It’s important to remember that many people vote
for their chosen parties simply because they feel these parties are
best suited to managing the country. People who vote Conservative can
and frequently do show compassion for the poor and care for the
environment, while people who vote Liberal, NDP or Green can and
frequently do put in long hours of hard work and show entrepreneurial
spirit.
Stereotyping
people based on the parties they support doesn’t contribute at all
to establishing any kind of a positive dialogue, and in many respects
these stereotypes aren’t even true to begin with. From everything
I’ve seen, those ordinary, hardworking Canadians who stop at Tim
Horton’s for a coffee on their way to work or get up early on
Saturday morning to take their children to hockey practice are just
as inclined to vote Liberal, Conservative, NDP or Green depending on
their individual beliefs. Indeed, a 2010
study by
the
Globe
and Mail
specifically
found that drinking Tim Horton’s coffee doesn’t necessarily make
you a Liberal, an NDPer or a Conservative-it simply makes you a
Canadian.
Helping
us to remember this is the greatest service a new progressive
narrative could do for Canada and for all Canadians, whatever their
political views.
Sources
Cited:
Mel Hurtig, The
Vanishing Country: Is It Too Late To Save Canada?
Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 2002. Page 112.
John Ralston Saul, A
Fair Country: Telling Truths About Canada. Toronto,
Ontario: Viking Canada, 2008. Page 215.
Jared
Milne is a writer, researcher and public servant living in St.
Albert, Alberta. His major interests including Canadian unity,
nationalism and history, particularly regarding how Canada’s
incredibly rich past has affected the present we live in today.
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